Levin’s opponent is rushing to a constitutional crisis and threatens to return the country to October 6

1. Yesterday the heads of the coalition discussed the impeachment of the legal adviser to the government, attorney Gali Beharev Miara And also in removing the representatives of the bar association from the committee for selecting judges. This is within the framework of the bill that re-engineers the composition of the committee and transfers to the government exclusively the authority to appoint judges. The proposal has already passed the first reading and it can be enacted in the blink of an eye. This is the whip that Justice Minister Yariv Levin is currently wielding in front of the Supreme Court and in front of the order that ordered him to appoint a president by January 16.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu did not participate in the discussion. After all, he has a conflict of interest in everything related to the judicial system. And this is one of the tragic jokes of the present age. The government under his leadership is destroying democracy, collapsing the justice system and poisoning the public discourse, among other things by presenting the judges as an extreme dictatorial minority, and his hands are not above. He is not in the destruction business because it is a conflict of interest. There is no one in the country, including the legal advisor to the government herself, including the judges of the High Court of Justice who discuss in the High Courts of appointing a president and the disgrace of the violation – who believes in cleaning his face. But everyone is deterred or shackled or powerless to burst this false balloon. Perhaps from the justified fear of the shock waves of this explosion. The result is that the coup d’état is speeding ahead with the inevitable clash on January 16.

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Legal Adviser to the Government Gali Beharev Miara. Of the last dams against legislative sewage overflow

(Photo: Gil Nehushtan)

2. The bill to change the composition of the Committee for the Selection of Judges will give Levin and Netanyahu the sole authority to appoint judges. Composition according to the proposal is as follows: the President of the Supreme Court and two retired judges, not necessarily from the Supreme Court, who will be appointed by the Minister of Justice with the consent of the President of the Supreme Court; Beside them, the Minister of Justice and two other ministers to be determined by the government; And three more members of the Knesset who are the chairman of the Constitution Committee, and two members, one from the coalition and one from the opposition. For those having difficulty counting: a majority of five is already guaranteed to the government – three ministers and two members of the Knesset. The two retired judges will be appointed with the consent of the supreme president and therefore will be chosen according to the balance – one by the minister And the second is in the hands of the president. The final result – 6 against 3 in favor of Levin. Just look at the situation today which is 6 against 3 against Levin which was established in two democratic elections – for the bar association where Levin’s candidate, attorney Efi Neve, was defeated, and in the Knesset election that elected Karin Elharer and Yitzhak Kreuzer to the committee.

If this bill passes, it’s the end of democracy. The Supreme Court will quickly change its character, its independence will be lost, and we will get the Trumpist model of the leader taking over all three branches of government. And from there the road is short – the cause of reasonableness will be abolished in practice after it was saved in the skin of a minimal majority in the current majority. Then the dam will break: for corrupt appointments, for loyal and obedient appointments, for removing gatekeepers who have not yet fallen asleep on their watch. And above all, for training racist laws, laws suppressing freedom of expression in the media and academia, extreme immunity laws for corrupt Knesset and laws restricting elections for Arabs. A large part of these laws are already being enforced, and the chance of stopping them lies with the High Court and the Legal Adviser to the Government – the two that the heads of the coalition met yesterday to discuss their removal. Knocking down the last two dams that are supposed to stop this murky legislative sewer from washing away and drowning Israeli democracy.

3. And now to Levin. A short historical political tour and we will return to his exploits today. The date known as “the day after” is attached to the time after the war. But among the politicians who excel at taking a long-term view, mainly regarding their careers only, there is also “the day after” Bibi Netanyahu. If you ask Netanyahu and his family, this day is like the coming of the Messiah – everyone is expecting him, but he will never come. And still matters of age, health, and maybe even his criminal trial may make him nervous. Then, who will succeed Netanyahu as Likud leader? They once talked about Yossi Cohen. Now it seems that will not happen. And if we talk about an external takeover, the possibility that it will be Itamar Ben Gabir cannot be ruled out. This, given the fascist-halachic extremism that grips the party that was once national-state-liberal.

But, if we count the candidates who are currently strong in the Likud, the fight is expected to take place between Israel Katz and his opponent Levin. Both are very strong in the Likud territory and in the base. For Levin, this strength was bought through his commitment to destroying the justice system. This is the flag he has always waved, this is the flag behind which the territory unites. Is Levin riding on an authentic sentiment of a public that is groaning under the courts, or did he and his friends intensify and fuel the sentiment This one? It seems to me that the second answer is the correct one and there is nothing like Levin’s history to explain it.

4. When the young Levin broke into his political-business career at the Bar Association, he had no assets to show off and stand out. He is not a particularly well-known or successful lawyer, he has no academic or intellectual background, and there is no impressive military or security background behind him of the kind that paves the way for shortcuts in politics and public service. In the absence of all these, Levin found a way to differentiate himself and divert attention to himself: venomous hate rhetoric against the justice system and the Supreme Court in general. This strategy has served him faithfully ever since. This is his ‘Claim Tu Feim’ which resonates powerfully through his personal filters: breaking tools, approaching well modeled, increasing the volume of threats and sobs especially in front of stop signs that are raised in front of him. Even when it comes to the implementation of the law, the decisions of the High Court, in the interest of the general, non-political public, who need the services of the judicial system. The public that does not exactly understand why Judge Yitzhak Amit is not fit to serve as president and Yosef Elron is.

It’s not for nothing that Netanyahu kept Levin from the legal case during the long years in which he served as prime minister. He knew exactly the virtues of his destruction, his power to start the famous D9 and get on the court. Yes, there were days when Netanyahu was on the right side of the rule of law, then he appointed ministers like Livni and Kahlon who swore to protect the justice system and even Nissenkorn who came in the partnership package with Gantz was accepted as justice minister to the dismay of the Beis. Levin, in any case, received a removal order from Saladin. To his credit, he neither hid nor hid. that he did not want the court case without receiving full coalition support, including from the prime minister, for the destruction of the justice system. That is, to carry out the legal reforms. That is, the coup d’état.

Only when Netanyahu formed the 37th government, two years ago, did he give Levin both the position of Minister of Justice and the license to carry out the coup d’état. To make it easier for him, he put him in charge of drafting the coalition agreements so that he would harness the partners – the Kahanists, the ultra-Orthodox, and the ultra-Orthodox – to the cart of the coup. And it was no coincidence that Levin gave these partners the key positions in the justice and enforcement systems. Ben Gabir got the police; Simcha Rothman the Constitution Committee; and Minister Orit Struck and MK Yitzhak Kreuzer from Religious Zionism and Jewish Power, he took to the committee for the selection of judges. Apparently, even in the weakened Likud he could not find partners for his schemes that he could count on.

5. And back to the present day. Levin received a deadline for the appointment of a permanent president of the Supreme Court. He got it in two strokes. The first order was to convene the committee and last Thursday an order to appoint a president. Retired judges of the supreme court said that from the beginning the order should have been given to appoint the president and not allow the filibuster, all the postponement exercises that Levin pulled off – to choose Solberg as a deputy before the election of the president so that Solberg would become the MP; inviting outside experts to hold an in-depth discussion in the committee on the seniority system; Discussing television footage in the committee to promote the transparency that suddenly became his favorite; the trick designed to disqualify the vote of the three The judges on the committee – Amit, Solberg and Barak-Erez – as tainted by a conflict of interest; inviting reservations, complaints and petitions to delay the election of the president.

The imagination and effort invested in these exercises are the essence of Levin as detailed above: he was never a statesman of stature, but a businessman who knows every trick in the book. And he is always open to deals. prima facie. He is ready to appoint Amit in exchange for the appointment of his two candidates, Dr. Bakshi and Rafi Biton. He previously suggested to the Chamber’s representatives to freeze the legislation in exchange for the appointment of Elron. But behind his proposals, which are mostly unacceptable, he places predatory blackmail. If you do not accept – I will hit you with legislation and budgets. And Mafiosi’s glory has always been in political bullying, institutional hatred and personally (especially towards Amit and Barak) and the creation of dishonest combinations intended to serve some scheming political interest, often without connection with the public interest.

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MM President of the Supreme Court Judge Yitzhak Amit. Levin signed him personally along with Chief Justice Barak-Erez

(Photo: Alex Kolomoisky)

6. And now, the collision course has been narrowed down to a hard date, January 16. Will Levin appoint a permanent president of the Supreme Court or will he violate the ruling of the High Court of Justice. Will he pass the law to change the composition of the committee or is this an idle threat designed to take everyone’s soul out and his political feasibility is low. The first case of the refusal is a “constitutional crisis”. The second case of the legislation It is the end of democracy, because of the subordination of the appointment of judges to the Minister of Justice and the deletion of the independence of the judiciary. Such a move, it is important to mention, may harm Israel in the international arena, be it Definitive proof to the two tribunals in The Hague that Israel no longer has a legal system that can be trusted. There is an international arrest warrant against Netanyahu and Levin’s initiatives will make the fight against these warrants very difficult, and they will make it difficult in the ongoing fight against the South African genocide at the International Court of Justice.

But Levin only cares about the coup d’état. He cares about subduing the High Court of Justice and not being portrayed as a coward who upholds court decisions. On the way to his goal, he marks more targets in the form of budget damage. Damage to the Bar Association by limiting the use of membership fees, damage that would have been avoided if Adv. Bacher in the elections for the head of the bar. And also damage to the budgets and standards of the judicial authority These two examples and the hypotheses on their side show the lack of good faith and the foreign considerations that drive Levin: why do we have courts and lawyers if we do not control them. The doubt that the weakening of society as a result of the coup has spurred our enemies to invade and massacre us does not bother him at all Fighting for its existence on seven fronts. Israeli democracy is fighting for its existence no less. Levin’s opponent is one the main ones.

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